Tigray War Exposes Limits to Abiy’s Promises of Press Freedom

WASHINGTON – In September 2019, Simon Marks moved to Ethiopia, drawn by the rapid changes following its shift in leadership and declaration of peace with neighboring Eritrea after a war and decades of tensions.?

Since then, he has reported on the widespread optimism after Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power and won the Nobel Peace Prize, and the human cost of the war in Tigray.

But on May 20, Ethiopia expelled Marks from the country. The freelancer, who reports for The New York Times and Voice of America, among others, is the latest casualty in what many journalists and rights groups say is a limited tolerance for critical reporting on the Tigray conflict.

Since November, the Ethiopian government has been fighting the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, or TPLF, a regional political party that led the country’s ruling coalition for nearly 30 years. The war has displaced tens of thousands of people and left millions in need of humanitarian aid, the United Nations says.?

Journalists and human rights groups have alleged serious abuses: mass killings, gang rapes, violence. Victims’ accounts predominately blame federal Ethiopian soldiers, the Amhara regional militias and Eritrean forces fighting in the region. The U.N. human rights chief has said that “serious violations of international law” may have been committed by Ethiopia, Eritrea and the TPLF.??

From the start of the Tigray conflict, Ethiopia’s government sought to limit information. Media access was restricted, and journalists covering the conflict were arrested. At least seven have been detained since November, and local media say they have been threatened, beaten or questioned over their reporting. The region was also hit with an internet and communications blackout.

At this “huge moment” in Ethiopia’s history, Marks said, “the country benefits from having as many professional journalists there as possible.”

“So, I felt sad that it had come to this and that everything I’ve been doing is so politicized,” he added. “And that the government in the end took a decision that I believe is just not in their interests in the long term.”

The deputy director general of the Ethiopian Broadcast Authority, Yonatan Tesfaye Regassa, did not reply to VOA’s request for comment.

Ethiopia’s prime minister’s office did not respond to VOA’s email requesting comment.

But at a June 3 briefing, Billene Seyoum, a spokesperson for the office, said that “claims of stifled media spaces are unfounded.”

Marks said he began to feel government pressure while reporting on protests in 2020 following the killing of Hachalu Hundessa, a popular singer from Ethiopia’s Oromo region. More than 100 people were killed in the protests, which led to mass arrests.

The journalist was later prevented from traveling to the Tigray region to cover the September regional elections that the central government had declared illegal. Ethiopia postponed national and regional elections because of the pandemic.

When the war started, Marks traveled to the regional capital, Mekelle, to speak with civilians being affected, including witnesses to the November Mai-Kadra massacre, which the U.N. said could be considered a war crime.

A Reuters investigation published Monday said the incident involved two attacks: one against Tigrayans, and the other against Amharas. It resulted in at least 767 dead.

Through interviews with witnesses, Marks was able to dispute the government’s claim that only Amharas were killed. Marks believes this reporting, along with his coverage of other violence and abuses, put him at odds with authorities. ?

In March, his media accreditation was revoked, and the media regulator accused Marks of “fake news,” according to reports at the time.

“The government opinion seems to be that if a reporter writes sympathetic stories about the victims of violence in war, then he or she must be partisan to one side of the conflict,” Marks said.

“It’s normal to sympathize with mothers and babies with no food, or a mother who is unable to lactate because she has no nutrition. Or simply people who have had their family members slaughtered by soldiers,” he said. “The unfortunate aspect is that mine and other people’s reporting has become highly politicized by reporting on atrocities or human rights abuses.”

When he was finally expelled, he wasn’t given a specific reason, Marks said. He had just received a call to attend an immigration meeting that he “didn’t get a good feeling about.”

At that meeting, an immigration official told the journalist he needed to leave that day. “That was a done deal. There was no room for negotiation,” Marks said. He was flown to Brussels.

Ethiopia’s ambassador to the U.S. did not respond to VOA’s request for comment sent via messaging app.

Restrictions return?

Early in his leadership, Prime Minister Abiy was praised for improving conditions for the media, releasing several journalists and promising to amend a controversial anti-terror law that had been used to jail critics.

Up to that point, the country had a poor press freedom record, with high numbers detained and a repressive media environment.

But rights groups have pointed out that when Abiy faced protests or unrest, he fell back to the same past patterns of arrests and censorship.

In 2020, the government adopted a new version of the anti-terror legislation, despite criticism from human rights and free speech advocates.

Muthoki Mumo, the sub-Saharan Africa representative for the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists, said earlier optimism has been tempered by a return to old ways.

“What we’ve seen,” Mumo said, “is a steady erosion of some of the (progress) made in early 2018.”

“The legislative commitments, the commitments to make legislative reforms were still there,” she said. “But then suddenly we started seeing a regression to old styles, old tools of dealing with the media, censoring the media essentially.”

The pressure from the government has driven some local journalists to publish stories without bylines or even to flee. One of those is freelance reporter Lucy Kassa.

In February, armed men, who refused to identify themselves, entered Lucy’s home, confiscated her computer and accused her of having links to the TPLF.

Lucy had just filed a story for the Los Angeles Times that included accounts from rape survivors who said their attackers were Eritrean soldiers.

At that time, the Ethiopian government was denying the presence of Eritrean soldiers.

Fearing for her safety, Lucy left the country, but even now she doesn’t feel safe.

“Even those of us who flee the country, we are still operating under fear because the supporters of the government have become as dangerous as the government itself,” she said. Lucy asked that her current location not be identified because she fears retaliation.

The journalist said she and others are being harassed online and threatened on social media by people accusing them of being TPLF sympathizers, anti-government, fake news and propaganda.

All local journalists work in an uncertain environment, but Tigrayan media come under extra scrutiny, Lucy said.

“Whether you like it or not, you will be defined by your ethnic background. For Tigrayans, for those who come from Tigrayan ethnic background, the pressure is much worse,” she said.

Lucy said the men who came into her home tried to link her ethnicity to her reporting, saying that because she is Tigrayan, she supports the TPLF.

Marks also said reporting deemed sympathetic to Tigrayans could lead to accusations of bias.

“All of a sudden it makes you a TPLF sympathizer, which couldn’t be further from the truth,” he said.

The freelancer added that local reporters risk tougher consequences, including imprisonment.

‘Grave message’

The erosion of media rights has “accelerated” over the past six months, with arrests of journalists or media workers who help foreign media “and intimidation coming from that regulator,” said Mumo, of CPJ.

“It does send one very grave and cohesive message of ‘be careful of what you’re reporting,’” Mumo said.

Marks’ expulsion has had an impact on foreign and local journalists, she said, adding that it sends a message: If this can happen to a foreign correspondent, “what could potentially happen to me?”

It also makes independent journalism harder.

It’s much more difficult to report on a country when you’re not there to see people’s faces, to interview them, to speak with sources in a safe manner, particularly in the context of internet shutdowns,” she told VOA.

Marks says the experiences of local journalists make his being expelled relative.

“Many others take much bigger risks than I take, especially the local reporters,” he told VOA.?“Many have called me since I’ve been deported to say they are fearful that they can no longer really do their job.”

The impact, Marks said, will be a lack of information for those who need it.

“The spillover effects from something like this, which are going to hurt in the end, is the public’s right to know and hold their leaders accountable,” he said.

Source: Voice of America

Cameroon Clerics Plea to Spare Clergy in Separatist Conflict

Clergy in Cameroon have appealed to both sides in the country’s separatist conflict to stop abducting and harassing priests. Within the past two weeks, six Roman Catholic priests and missionaries were abducted, and a church attacked, leaving at least two dead and 11 wounded.

The Roman Catholic Church in Cameroon says its priests and missionaries are suffering assaults, abductions and torture in the country’s separatist conflict.

A church press release Tuesday says Cameroon’s military took Reverend Father Sylvester Ngarbah Nsah from Vekovi, a northwestern village, on June 4 and have yet to release him.

The church says the military accused Nsah of cooperating with separatists, which the church denies.

Reverend Father Humphrey Tatah Mbui is director of communications at the National Episcopal Conference of Cameroon’s Catholic Bishops.

He says rebels also abducted Nsah three months ago and accused him of collaborating with the military before releasing him.

“The church preaches peace. The church teaches that you cannot have peace without justice and without the truth,” Mbui said. “The church must keep on insisting on that justice and truth in and out of season. And when the church will speak the truth, often it does not sit well with one or the other side. Many parishes have been closed or they are not operating as they should.”

Mbui says at least six priests and missionaries were tortured by the military or rebels within the past two weeks and had to be treated at hospitals.

Reverend Father Christopher Eboka is the Cathedral administrator of Mamfe, a town in the anglophone southwest.

He says rebels abducted him on May 22 and freed him only after 10 days in captivity.

“The church has been caught up in between the separatist fighters on the one hand, and the Cameroon military on the other hand,” Eboka said. “The threats on the lives of priests, the attack on priests should be stopped. On Sunday, the 6th of June, priests gathered at the pastoral center, celebrating the anniversary of one of them, were attacked by unknown gunmen, who came in search of a priest.”

The church said one person died in the attack, a second died in the hospital, and 11 others were treated for injuries.

The Episcopal Conference of Cameroon’s Bishops this month called on separatists to stop targeting and harassing local clergy.

Rebels on social media claimed government troops organized the attacks on churches to give the rebels a bad image, an often-repeated claim, which the military denies.

Cameroon’s military on state radio confirmed the rebel attacks on the church and past abductions but did not mention taking any priests into military custody.

Cameroon’s government says civilians suspected of collaborating with rebels are placed under investigation, but a spokesperson would not say how many priests or missionaries have been arrested.

A March Human Rights Watch report says both military and rebel abuses are increasing in Cameroon’s western regions.

The U.N. says Cameroon’s separatist conflict has left more than 3,000 people dead since 2016 and 750,000 internally displaced or to neighboring Nigeria.

Source: Voice of America

Kenya Looks to Maintain Zero Rhino Poaching Record

Kenya’s Wildlife Service says that for the first time in 21 years, not a single rhinoceros was poached in the country’s national parks in 2020. To maintain the progress, it is conducting the first ever wildlife census and placing mobile container housing in parks for rangers.

Kenya’s Wildlife Service credits intensified surveillance for the drop in rhinoceros poaching cases to zero last year.

The agency says it’s also taking fresh measures to maintain the progress, such as conducting a wildlife census for the first time. Edwin Wanyonyi, the agency’s director of strategies, says new approaches are being implemented.

”There is a new strategy. We are focusing on housing for rangers; we are focusing on buying them equipment, be it firearm[s], whatever they require, be it uniform, be it cold weather clothing, [so] that they can be able to respond at all times,” Wanyonyi said.

In Nairobi National Park, rangers with the rhinoceros monitoring unit are receiving upgrades from old tents. Ranger Augustine Mutua says new container housing units will help them get to work protecting rhinos much faster.

“You have to wake up very early in the morning — you cook your breakfast, then you just walk out, going direct to the patrol. Not as earlier … you come out of the tent, you go outside for water somewhere. You can see we [have] tanks,” Mutua said.

More than two million tourists visited Kenya in 2019. Most, like Rahul Bede, go to see its rare wildlife, like the critically endangered rhinos.

“I think it’s great that there has been no poaching. This park is very well protected, which, I would say, other parks are not very well protected.”

Poachers kill rhinos for their horns, which sell for up to $60,000 per kilogram in Asian markets as aphrodisiacs and status symbols.

Poaching reduced Kenya’s black rhino population by 97% from the 1960s to the 1990s, from more than 20,000 to just a few hundred.

But conservation efforts have helped Kenya’s wild rhino population recover to some 1,200, including the world’s only two remaining northern white rhinos.

Source: Voice of America

Survivors of Burkina Faso Massacre in Urgent Need of Aid

The U.N. refugee agency says survivors of the Saturday massacre in a Burkina Faso village are in desperate need of humanitarian aid.

Unidentified gunmen attacked the village of Solhan in Burkina Faso’s northeast Sahel region on June 5. They reportedly stormed the village in the middle of the night, executing at least 138 civilians, seriously injuring nearly 40 other people and setting houses and a market ablaze.

The U.N. refugee agency says more than 3,300 people have fled for their lives to nearby villages. UNHCR spokesman Babar Balloch says the newly displaced, mostly children and women, have been arriving in desperate straits. He says they have few or no belongings and need everything.

“The new arrivals urgently need water and sanitation, shelter, essential aid items and medical care. Authorities have delivered almost 400 tons of food and thousands of relief items, while UNHCR partners are providing medical care and psychosocial support,” he said.

The attack, the deadliest since 2015, highlights the increasing insecurity and violence that has been gaining a foothold in Africa’s Sahel region over the past few years. The UNHCR calls Burkina Faso the fastest growing displacement and protection crisis in the world.

Since 2019, the agency says, violence in the country has forced more than 1.2 million people to flee their homes. Balloch says so far this year, violence has displaced some 150,000.

“84%, either women, who face a high risk of gender-based violence, or children, half of whom have reportedly been subjected to physical violence and abuse. In addition to the IDPs, Burkina Faso continues to generously host more than 22,000 refugees and asylum-seekers, mostly from Mali,” he said.

The UNHCR is appealing for more generous support from the international community. It says the available funds cannot keep pace with the growing humanitarian needs in the hugely insecure Sahelian region.

It notes only a quarter of the nearly $260 million required to assist Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger this year has been received.

Source: Voice of America

AMISOM’s Djiboutian troops celebrate their military’s 44th anniversary

BELEDWEYNE:–Soldiers of the Djiboutian Armed Forces serving under the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) on Sunday celebrated the 44th anniversary since the formation of their country’s military.

Speaking at a ceremony held at the AMISOM Sector 4 headquarters in Beletweyne city, Hirshabelle State, Col. Abdullahi Muse Omar, Commander of Djiboutian forces under AMISOM said the Djiboutian army had made great strides since its formation over four decades ago.

“Today, we mark the 44th anniversary of the formation of Djiboutian Armed Forces. This is an important day of reflecting the journey we have traveled, and the lessons learnt. We send congratulatory messages to all of our armed forces, serving at home and in other missions such as here with AMISOM. We also pay special tribute to our partners, the Somali National Army and the people of Beletweyne, for their spirit of cooperation and collaboration,” Col. Omar said.

In 2011, Djibouti became the third country to contribute its forces to AMISOM. Since then, its officers have been deployed mainly in Beletweyne where they have conducted training and mentoring of the Somali National Army as well as security patrols in and around Beletweyne. Over the years, they have contributed to the reconstruction of local infrastructure, have given humanitarian support and have also provided support to the establishment of local government administrations.

Source: Somalia National News Agency